On September 13th, with the imminent celebrations of Mexico’s Independence Day – and the entry of public force – members of the CNTE abandoned the Constitutional Plaza, after occupying it during several weeks. Despite the fact that the majority of teachers did abandon the Zocalo, a small group remained at the spot with the aim of fighting the federal police, who, after a series of trouble, managed to regain control of the area. These events generated various reactions that polarized Mexican society. However, what are main consequences of those actions?
The police takeover occurred within a context of great tension. The (late) decision of implementing the raid presented a scenario of dubious fate. In Mexico, the legitimate use of public force tends to be linked to past tragedies whose mere remembrance is reason enough to create a sense of discomfort. Every government carries that burden and its disappearance is conditioned to the creation of protocols and police training that will decrease the chances of a tragedy. In both aspects there is still plenty to do. Despite that the authorities claimed that they executed an “impeccable” raid, the truth is that the usual police brutality cases came into light when individuals were apprehended. The sanity ended up prevailing in both sides.
Regarding the population’s perception, the raid created the feeling of a selective use of public force. Was the Independence Day celebration a more powerful reason for such an action rather than, for example, the cancellation of classes in dozens of schools throughout the country, blocking the country’s main airport, affecting business and companies (according to the Chamber of Commerce, Services and Tourism of Mexico City, the Zocalo roadblock would have generated economic losses amounting more than 750 million pesos) or the work of legislative chambers? Be as it may, the population’s doubts over the government priorities are rightly justified. Another pending issue is the radicalization of rhetoric regarding the events. On one hand, there are those who see any sort of police action as a clear sign of human rights violations and on the other hand, there are those who claim for a despotic, even cruel, use of force, regardless of the most elemental guarantees of protestors. The State should not hesitate when applying the rule of law, but it doesn’t have to go beyond that point and please the blind claims on social networks that are as full of rage as those who are protesting in the streets. There wouldn’t even be the need for a police takeover if kidnapping of public spaces, whose ownership belongs to all Mexicans, were not allowed.
In a political system distinguished by its weak institutions, the little representativeness of legislative institutions and the limited capacity of dealing or preventing conflicts, it is unavoidable that the tolerance towards those who protest with the efficient action of authorities to protect the rights of the general population will have merge. This is the balance that is yet to be reached. Regarding CNTE, what is remarkable is the apparent incapacity of authorities to a) understand the organization’s origins, its motivations and structure; b) the lack of (or conscious action of not enforcing) intelligence that is capable of dismantling the movement beforehand; and c) the disposition to separate the issues that are only linked with labor with those linked to teaching – in addition to separating radicals from moderates – in order to advance through a potential solution to a recurring conflict.
Lastly, the hyperbolically called “Zócalo takeover” does not end the conflicts that arise from the stay of CNTE within Mexico City (as a matter of fact, section 9 is currently staying there). The teachers/protestors claim for the eradication of the education reform and have not backed down in their demands. It is not only a matter of roadblocks and protests migrating from one area to another. This is not negotiating and solving a problem. In the face of the expected resistance, not only on educational matters but also in others where the government intends to course its reform efforts, the negotiation capacity is essential. Any other way, decision-making is prevented, inconformity is far from over and progress is fictitious. But, as soon as several reform projects come into life and each one of them creates a backlash from the streets, the government would be wise in start acting preventively rather than let all opposition gather in a unified movement.
CIDAC
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