On October 21 was the formalization of something that many people suspected for a long time: the former PAN Presidential candidate has returned to Mexico’s political scene in order to compete for her party’s leadership. Even though renovation for the party’s control is still filled with uncertainty – ranging from the date where it will take place (December has been mentioned but it could be another time) to knowing who will be end up being inscribed into the formal process – it cannot be denied that Ms. Vázquez Mota’s “unveiling” is a disruptive factor. The efforts that the former candidate will make will not be simple and, in the eye of the beholder, they provide as many questions as answers.
Vázquez Mota will first fight against the image of defeat. Regardless whether she obtained or not support by President Calderón during her campaign or if her proselyte strategy was good or bad, Josefina is rebuilding herself and, in that respect, she has assets and liabilities. Her main advantage could very well be her distance from the two latest major authority figures within PAN: Felipe Calderón and Gustavo Madero. The return of calderonism seems an unlikely option, regardless of the criticism towards President Peña or Madero himself. Even worse yet, the latter group lost the last silver lining of its financial resources with the removal of Ernesto Cordero as leader of PAN Senators. Now, regarding Madero, criticism made by several PAN members due the party’s affiliation with the Pact for Mexico as well as the current “cooperation model” with the Executive Power provide Vázquez Mota with an opportunity to redesign the way of acknowledging PAN as a responsible opposition and draw the thin line between that concept and collaborationism.
On an advertisement published on October 15 and signed by a group that call themselves “PAN members for Mexico”, Vázquez Mota headed a list of notorious partisans, particularly nine former Governors and a former party leader, under the motto: “Let’s avoid a great mistake!”. The document contains a large deal of criticism towards the tax, energy and political/electoral reforms that are currently under discussion in both legislative chambers. The majority of questionings reflect worries expressed by several civil organizations, businesses and, even, social network users in regards to the aforementioned reforms. In other words, the document offers two main messages. Firstly, it appeals to a sector of the population, traditionally closer to PAN – although increasingly distancing itself from the party – , which hasn´t had its voice heard by the opposition (especially PAN) in issues such as an eventual tax increase, disdain for transparency in the majority of matters within the national debate, as well as other affairs considered as potential authoritarian regressions. Secondly, Josefina is trying to “show her force” with potential supporters for her cause on the way for contending for the party’s leadership. Nevertheless, two questions emerge: how much will Vázquez Mota contribute with the current political scenario, not just in PAN, but nationwide? Will her assets prove to be enough to reach her goal?
Currently, the main arena of nationwide political exposure is within the Legislative Power. Influence of Vázquez Mota in the latter will be minimal, at least for now. The federal administration has led the way for the approval of tax reform with support of PRD and managed to get a significant back-up of PAN Deputies. Regarding the energy reform, even though President Peña will not have any PRD support and, thus, will require a majority of votes from PAN, the cards– including those of Vázquez Mota – appear to have been dealt. In essence, PAN agrees with opening up the sector.
CIDAC
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