Even though IFE (Federal Electoral Institute) has not yet certified the number of MORENA’s (National Regeneration Movement) constitutive acts within the several states where its assemblies were held, the party led by Andrés Manuel López Obrador claims to have more than enough figures to be constituted as such. According to COFIPE (Federal Code of Electoral Institutions and Procedures), groups that wish to become political parties must have at least three thousand members in at least twenty states, in addition to 300 members spread throughout 200 electoral districts. If MORENA ends up as a party, the political system would consist of two major parties and a fragmented leftwing. What electoral system is it aiming for?
Political parties receive public resources for the mere fact that they have managed to obtain its political registration (equal to a 2% of total votes), in addition to the money coming from their prerogatives in Congress (a large and non-transparent amount). The issue is that, while the greater the mobilization capacity, the chances of a political triumph increase significantly, which influences the formulas of allocating public resources (according to the 2014 IFE Budget Proposal, the total amount would be 4 billion pesos for next year). This figure is constitutionally allocated in the following way: 30% is given away in equal parts between parties that have representation in Congress and 70% of the total amount is given according to the vote percentage that each party has received. The danger is that parties might turn into allocating agencies just for having access to means of power.
On the other hand, the requirements to form a political party exhibit the absurdness that a restrictive and obstacle-saturated system generates in their creation, given the fact that the three main parties (PRI, PAN and PRD) are favored and small parties turn into the latter’s sidekicks. Parties that have a major mobilization capacity rather have been favored in place of those that belong to fragmented sectors, which is why when talking about party systems, it should be considered whether representativeness or governance ought to be prioritized.
Governance would imply having the opportunity of stronger administrations, with possibilities of reaching agreements in a quicker and simpler way. By not having the concept of coalition governments, the threshold registration would have to be respected or broadened with the aim of preventing an uncontrolled proliferation of parties with parliamentary representation. Another option would be to lower the percentage number needed for registration, with the purpose of having a larger representation of certain social groups, but at the same time, raising the standard for gaining seats in Congress in order to prevent the possibility of an extreme fragmentation that would hinder agreements and will lead to a legislative paralysis.
Let us not forget that the Pact for Mexico was able to happen due to the existence of few political parties, so a multiple nucleus would turn into a more difficult task. However, it is known that citizens do not feel represented by their parties or their political authorities. We’re in front of an issue in which, in the view of a lack of structural reforms and agreements in Congress, the option appears to be reforming the party model, which would undoubtedly need a dose of governance and representativeness, where there exists competence and decision-making options for voters.
CIDAC
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