For the first time since 1989, Elba Esther Gordillo didn’t take part on the celebrations of Teachers’ Day. On May 15, Juan Díaz de la Torre, the current leader of the National Union of Education Workers (SNTE), praised the education reform during a formal act with President Peña at the official residence of Los Pinos. On the previous day the union accepted a 3.9% wage increase, less than the 4.25% rise obtained in 2012. Gordillo’s suspension from duty has resulted in the alignment of an organization that, during the two previous PAN administrations – and, more precisely, since 1997, when it started to act independently from the government – exercised a policy of corporate blackmail on the Executive Power that turned out to be even more efficient than when it was done while PRI was in power. Attempting to continue that strategy with the current government, one with defined power aspirations, turned out to be Gordillo’s end. Beyond these facts, what are the real consequences of the former SNTE leader’s absence?
After Gordillo’s apprehension, public opinion didn’t hesitate to praise both President Peña and Federal General Attorney Murillo Karam for their successful initiative. A few days later, Peña Nieto stated that there would be no untouchable interests in his administration, which could’ve been taken as a possibility of apprehending individuals as despicable as the former SNTE leader. The first major effect of that action was the alignment of every political and economic actor, which proved the President’s credibility. In any case, the delay with which the government reacted to high profile cases was odd, for instance, the destitution of Humberto Pérez Treviño as head of PROFECO for reasons known by all. On the other hand, regarding the problem of SNTE, the dynamics of the teachers’ corporate control was not modified, instead, a destruction/construction cycle has just begun, as embodied with the removal of uncomfortable leaderships and their replacement with more compliant individuals (those were the cases of Jesús Robles Martínez, in 1972, Carlos Jonguitud, in 1989 and even the aforementioned Elba Esther Gordillo). Not long after Gordillo was apprehended, Juan Díaz was reported to be part of a complicity network while he acted as the organization’s Secretary General. Very few remember that. In this respect, a different transparency behavior is not expected regarding the use of 2.6 billion pesos in SNTE bank accounts found by the Department of Financial Intelligence (a section of the Ministry of Treasure) before the assemble of Gordillo’s dossier. Besides, it is worth remembering that in 2012 labor reform didn’t take into account neither democracy nor union transparency –due to the intervention of PRI, Green Party and PANAL legislators (the latter is a political franchise whose Secretary General is Senator Monica Arriola, none other than Gordillo’s daughter). The former leader’s detention was a political act and, with the consequent realignment and discipline of different actors present in society, it can be said that the goal was met.
That being said, there is still a serious concern regarding the increasing number of belligerent teachers’ protests, using the education reform as an excuse. Even though the current protestors were their enemies, Gordillo served as a control and persuasive figure, whether for her power and experience in this kind of conflicts or just for her mere presence: she used them for her own interests. The absence of a powerful (and threatening) leadership such as Gordillo’s is a key missing piece in the authoritarian corporate control in its new era. Of course, this goes against the formal aspiration of building a democratic regime, where corporatism might been seen as harmful. The main question is how can the democracy rhetoric, the rule of law, peace and order be concealed with, regarding the teachers’ union, the guarantee of respect for legitimate rights and liberties (not debauchery). A cultural change is needed where union victories are supported by its teachers’ merit and qualities and not by the strength of their sticks, stones, and above all, of corruption and impunity. Undoubtedly, this will take a long time if Mexican society is not willing to act in a decisive manner – and if the government is not eager in making it happen.
CIDAC
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