On May 7, the Pact for Mexico signatories subscribed an addendum composed by “11 additional commitments”, most of them linked with the electoral environment. With this, the first Pact “crisis”, which only lasted for 2 weeks, came to an end; it was the reason for the delay of the official presentation for the financial reform initiatives. It is also worth mentioning that no pending legislation were affected by this (for example, the modifications on telecommunications are just waiting for the President to enact them). Nevertheless, the PAN threat, followed by PRD’s, had worked. The opposition took advantage of the scandal derived from the misuse of public resources of social programs within political campaigns happening in Veracruz and the erratic Federal government response. Recklessness in patronage practices – which, by the way, are not exclusive from PRI – has resulted in pure oxygen for both opposition parties.
The addendum is not the fixation of an agenda of constitutional, legal or administrative reforms, as is the rest of the Pact. On one hand, the aforementioned annex contains a series of compromises which are another way to call the simple observance of current electoral law, which should be taken for granted in Mexican democracy (though electoral crimes are not exclusive of a single party). However, the addendum also establishes some relevant content such as freezing the operation of social programs until July 7; reviewing its operative regulation; studying the profile of every federal delegate; and creating plural commissions to preserve the political equality environment in the coming state elections. Nevertheless, in what constitutes the biggest opposition success, the addendum prescribes the anticipation of the electoral reform discussion to give priority within the immediate agenda of the Pact, maybe – not very likely – in an extraordinary session period before September. Regarding this matter, PAN seems to consolidate itself in its role as a factor in governance and has taken the initiative by presenting its proposals recently. Some of the highlights are the stipulation of financial limits on campaigns as a cause of invalidation of an electoral process, something that would face a lot of resistance (maybe even from within the party which proposed the initiative).
Generally speaking, the addendum has severely increased the costs of the electoral mess, not just for PRI and their local governments, but for all political actors in a context that aims the approval of structural reforms. These are troubled times, in which blackmail could boost or stop the reforms. It’s not a coincidence that in the last couple of days, a lot of information regarding serious corruption accusations has been published that involves PAN major figures – none other than his former leader – as well as PRI – the leader of the oil workers’ union as well as the former Governor of Tabasco. In any case, let’s hope that the July elections will not end all the promised reforms across the country and that the assumed compromises will be implemented. The paradox is that a dynamic where the phrase “let he who is without sin, cast the first stone”, might result whether in a calm sea of impunity for everyone or a massive stoning where almost no one will avoid getting a scratch at least.
What nobody can deny is the importance that the government is putting into the Pact as a mechanism of political and electoral processes. The addendum constitutes a clear divergence from the Presidential preferences and that implies an evident commitment. The coming July elections will be a milestone for everybody. The main question remains what will happen if PRI ends with a total victory or, in any given case, what result will be enough for the three parties to remain faithful to a mechanism designed by President Peña’s government.
CIDAC
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