Since January 15, the federal government has been in charge of the security of municipalities in the area of Tierra Caliente and southern Michoacán with the aid of the Federal Police Force as well as the Army, in addition to the appointment of Alfredo Castillo as Commissioner for Security and Integral Development. The commissioner is a disruptive post due to the fact that, on one hand, its establishment by decree does not seem to take into account its livelihood within the Presidential faculties set on the 89th Constitutional article, regardless of the possible legitimacy of such measure when considered as a response to the request made by the local government regarding the engagement of federal military forces in the state. In that sense, the “innovation” in the attention towards the Michoacán situation has been the trademark of the federal government for a very long time. It is worth remembering the Operation Unit Michoacán – one of Felipe Calderón’s first official acts as President – as well as the “Michoacanazo” – the apprehension and later liberation of several municipality leaders in the state. However, though “innovative”, these previous formulas proved to be unsuccessful. What could the current Federal Commissioner be able to do?
Michoacán’s Commission for Security and Integral Development aims to collaborate in strengthening the state’s weak institutions, ranging from local police forces to a Governor that has repeatedly been absent from his functions. Although the federal government’s strategy seems to be more like another attempt to produce a short-term media impact, its assessment will entirely depend on the outcome of such an action, something that is difficult to evaluate due to the fact that the security policy has yet to be defined. Certainly, the existence of a strategy is not proven with spectacular propaganda as was the case with the past administration; it isn’t even necessary to know it altogether. Despite this, there is no other issue where the achievements or failures of any public policy are more perceived than security. It is not only about temporarily stopping violence or using the vigilante groups or/and the Templarios criminal organization as scapegoats to explain all of Michoacán’s failures. While 4 out of 10 municipalities in the state remain with serious economic problems, the social fabric will not be sewn regardless of all the police intervention. Summarizing, there should be a real and deep rebuilding of Michoacán.
Because of its geographical, orographic and even climatic location, Michoacán will hardly cease to be a key point in drug trafficking: it is worth remembering the case of Sinaloa. Unlike the northeastern state, where a hegemonic cartel rules, Michoacán is an area where several criminal groups are disputing its control and the fragmentation of the area has been increased due to the federal intervention, especially since the Calderón administration. There has been a lot of talk about the possibility of declaring a disappearance of powers, but even with the current seriousness of the issue, it might turn out to be a complex issue due to that, for better or worse, the three powers remain functioning. This breaches what was set in the legislation of the 76th Constitutional article, in its fifth fraction, where the conditions for disappearance of powers are established. On the other hand, the suspension of guarantees set in the 29th Constitutional article in cases such as “a grave disturbance of public order or any other type that will put society in great peril or conflict”, in addition to the fact that it is not even legislated (there are several initiatives aimed for such a purpose which are currently blocked in Congress), it would represent a risk regarding possible human right violations. What to do, then?
The commissioner could prove to be another attempt of the government to behead the hydra or a short-term media farce. Even worse, it could be an attempt to pacify those groups involved using agreements that are, by definition, unsustainable. Nevertheless, it is also an opportunity to generate a structural change within the state. It is not only about the reconfiguration of the social fabric (because the latter is fully built but it is currently under the rules of several groups that are away from the State’s power of authority) but the normalization of Michoacán’s democratic life. As a matter of fact, a genuine success in these objectives may result in a tipping point for the situation of the whole country. There is a lot at stake in Michoacán and is all in the hands of the brand-new Commissioner.
CIDAC
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