2014 is essential in defining the present and future of PAN because at last the election (or reelection) of the leader of its National Executive Committee will take place. During the last weeks, Gustavo Madero – who officially ended his tenure on December 4th, 2013 but is not hindered to remain on his post while there are no internal elections – has ensured his leadership through different alliances with relevant stakeholders in the party’s inner structure, without mentioning the assumed control with the approval of new statutes that strengthen his leadership towards the local committees, in addition to other “advantages” obtained from his collaboration with the federal government – for instance, the negotiation for the allocation of resources via the Expenditures Budget. These factors, although they represent a hopeful scenario for Madero’s interest to retain PAN’s leadership, could ultimately turn out to be only a personal and short-term triumph that will not necessarily contribute on the recovery that PAN needs as a party as well as political institution.
The need to refund its narrative, redefining its role as opposition and stepping out of the crisis where it’s stuck is becoming more and more urgent for PAN members. Evidently, the party’s crisis is not all the fault of Madero, but the result of several factors: firstly, its erosion after twelve years in power and being relegated in third place after the 2012 elections; secondly, the inner struggles for the party’s control, as well as the mutual accusations and corrupt practices among its members have worn out the legitimacy of PAN. Likewise, the aforementioned party, under the leadership of Madero, has chosen to adhere itself to the Pact for Mexico as a way to survive politically and to gain federal financial resources; however, the latter also diminished its capacity to prove itself as a counterweight to the State’s stances and policies. In addition, PAN has also empowered the government as to manipulate the internal elections of a party that always prided itself on being an opposition not willing to compromise.
Madero has proved to be able to take advantage of different factors in order to strengthen his leadership and position himself as the most viable person to head the party. The PAN leader has used both the party’s economic resources as well as the alliances with key political operators such as Jorge Manzanera (who was essential in the Presidential campaigns of Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón). Madero has also taken advantage of the lack of skills of his main opponents, the (badly) so-called “calderonistas”, headed by Senator Ernesto Cordero, as well as the hesitating of other relevant PAN stakeholders such as Josefina Vázquez Mota, who have decreased their chances on gaining control of the party. All of the aforementioned has contributed into building a greater legitimacy for Madero, who aims to create a broader sense of unity within the party. Nevertheless, it is worth asking whether this greater unity will have an impact on improving the situation and bringing some clarity into the contradictions and uncertainties of PAN. Although ending the inner struggles will decrease the smear campaign among its members and would prevent a greater depletion of the party, it will hardly bring some real benefits because, in order to rescue PAN, there needs to be a project, reestablishing priorities in an agenda that is increasingly less connected with general society, and also the demands of disappointed members and voters that no longer feel represented by the party.
The current board is not having a different behavior compared to its immediate predecessors. During the last couple of years, particularly since its days in office, PAN has not solved the puzzle to put its doctrine into practice. In fact, this misunderstood pragmatism forced it to sacrifice its ideology, agenda and structure. Nowadays, there is a lot of talk about the party returning to its “most comfortable and familiar state”, that is to say, being the opposition. However, there is still doubt on whether PAN is truly transforming into a “responsible opposition” that it claims to be (in addition to a credible substitute of the ruling party) or it’s just another actor in the scenario of the return of the “new PRI”: a “satellite” party.
CIDAC
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